Culture Jamming: Hacking, Slashing and
Sniping in the Empire of Signs
I. The Empire of Signs
"My fellow Americans," exhorted John F. Kennedy, "haven't you
ever wanted to put your foot through your television screen?"
Of course, it wasn't actually Kennedy, but an actor in "Media Burn,"
a spectacle staged in 1975 by the performance art collective Ant
Farm. Speaking from a dais, "Kennedy" held forth on America's
addiction to the plug-in drug, declaring, "Mass media monopolies
control people by their control of information." On cue, an assistant
doused a wall of TV sets with kerosene and flicked a match at the
nearest console. An appreciative roar went up from the crowd as the
televisions exploded into snapping flames and roiling smoke.
Minutes later, a customized 1959 Cadillac hurtled through the fiery
wall with a shuddering crunch and ground to a halt, surrounded by
the smashed, blackened carcasses of televisions. Here and there, some
sets still burned; one by one, their picture tubes imploded, to the
onlookers' delight. A postcard reproduction of the event's
pyrotechnic climax, printed on the occasion of the its tenth
anniversary, bears a droll poem:
Modern alert
plague is here
burn your TV
exterminate fear
Image breakers
smashing TV
American heroes
burn to be free
In "Media Burn," Ant Farm indulged publicly in the guilty pleasure
of kicking a hole in the cathode-ray tube. Now, almost two decades
later, TV's cyclopean eye peers into every corner of the cultural
arena, and the desire to blind it is as strong as ever. "Media Burn"
materializes the wish-fulfillment dream of a consumer democracy
that yearns, in its hollow heart and empty head, for a belief system
loftier than the "family values" promised by a Volvo ad campaign,
discourse more elevated than that offered by the shark tank
feeding-frenzy of The McLaughlin Hour.
It is a postmodern commonplace that our lives are intimately and
inextricably bound up in the TV experience. Ninety-eight percent of
all American households -- more than have indoor plumbing -- have
at least one television, which is on seven hours a day, on the average.
Dwindling funds for public schools and libraries, counterpointed by
the skyrocketing sales of VCRs and electronic games, have given rise
to a culture of "aliteracy," defined by Roger Cohen as "the rejection
of books by children and young adults who know how to read but
choose not to." The drear truth that two thirds of Americans get
"most of their information" from television is hardly a revelation.
Media prospector Bill McKibben wonders about the exchange value
of such information:
We believe we live in the 'age of information,' that
there has been an information 'explosion,' an
information 'revolution.' While in a certain narrow
sense this is the case, in many important ways just the
opposite is true. We also live at a moment of deep
ignorance, when vital knowledge that humans have
always possessed about who we are and where we live
seems beyond our reach. An Unenlightenment. An age
of missing information.
The effects of television are most deleterious in the realms of
journalism and politics; in both spheres, TV has reduced discourse to
photo ops and sound bites, asserting the hegemony of image over
language, emotion over intellect. These developments are bodied
forth in Ronald Reagan, a TV conjuration who for eight years held
the news media, and thus the American public, spellbound. As Mark
Hertsgaard points out, the President's media-savvy handlers were able
to reduce the fourth estate, which likes to think of itself as an
unblinking watchdog, to a fawning lapdog: Deaver, Gergen and their
colleagues effectively rewrote the rules of presidential image-making.
On the basis of a sophisticated analysis of the American news media --
how it worked, which buttons to push when, what techniques had and
had not worked for previous administrations -- they introduced a new
model for packaging the nation's top politician and using the press to
sell him to the American public. Their objective was not simply to
tame the press but to transform it into an unwitting mouthpiece of the
government.
During the Reagan years, America was transformed into a TV
democracy whose prime directive is social control through the
fabrication and manipulation of images. "We [the Reagan campaign
staff] tried to create the most entertaining, visually attractive scene to
fill that box, so that the cameras from the networks would have to use
it," explained former Reagan advisor Michael Deaver. "It would be
so good that they'd say, 'Boy, this is going to make our show tonight.'
[W]e became Hollywood producers."
The conversion of American society into a virtual reality was
lamentably evident in the Persian Gulf War, a made-for-TV
miniseries with piggybacked merchandising (T-shirts, baseball caps,
Saddam toilet paper, Original Desert Shield Condoms) and gushy,
Entertainment Tonight-style hype from a cheerleading media. When
filmmaker Jon Alpert, under contract to NBC, brought back
stomach-churning footage of Iraq under U.S. bombardment, the
network -- which is owned by one of the world's largest arms
manufacturers, General Electric -- fired Alpert and refused to air the
film. Not that Alpert's film would have roused the body politic:
Throughout the war, the American people demanded the right not to
know. A poll cited in The New York Times was particularly
distressing: "Given a choice between increasing military control over
information or leaving it to news organizations to make most
decisions about reporting on the war, 57 per cent of those responding
said they would favor greater military control."
During the war's first weeks, as home front news organizations aided
Pentagon spin control by maintaining a near-total blackout on
coverage of protest marches, Deaver was giddy with enthusiasm. "If
you were going to hire a public relations firm to do the media
relations for an international event," he bubbled, "it couldn't be done
any better than this is being done." In fact, a P.R. firm, Hill &
Knowlton, was hired; it orchestrated the congressional testimony of
the distraught young Kuwaiti woman whose horror stories about
babies ripped from incubators and left "on the cold floor to die" by
Iraqi soldiers was highly effective in mobilizing public support for
the war. Her testimony was never substantiated, and her identity --
she was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the U.S. -- was
concealed, but why niggle over details? "Formulated like a World
War II movie, the Gulf War even ended like a World War II movie,"
wrote Neal Gabler, "with the troops marching triumphantly down
Broadway or Main Street, bathed in the gratitude of their fellow
Americans while the final credits rolled."
After the yellow ribbons were taken down, however, a creeping
disaffection remained. A slowly-spreading rancor at the televisual
Weltanschauung, it is with us still, exacerbated by the prattle of talk
show hosts, anchorclones, and the Teen Talk Barbie advertised on
Saturday mornings whose "four fun phrases" include "I love
shopping" and "Meet me at the mall." Mark Crispin Miller neatly
sums TV's place in our society:
Everybody watches it, but no one really likes it. This is
the open secret of TV today. Its only champions are its
own executives, the advertisers who exploit it, and a
compromised network of academic boosters.
Otherwise, TV has no spontaneous defenders, because
there is almost nothing in it to defend.
The rage and frustration of the disempowered viewer exorcised in
"Media Burn" bubbles up, unexpectedly, in "57 Channels (And
Nothin' On)", Bruce Springsteen's Scorsese-esque tale of a man
unhinged by the welter of meaningless information that assails him
from every channel. Springsteen sings: "So I bought a .44 magnum it
was solid steel cast/ And in the blessed name of Elvis well I just let it
blast/ 'Til my TV lay in pieces there at my feet/ And they busted me
for disturbin' the almighty peace."
Significantly, the video for "57 Channels" incorporates footage of a
white Cadillac on a collision course with a wall of flaming TV sets, in
obvious homage to "Media Burn." The ritual destruction of the TV
set, endlessly iterated in American mass culture, can be seen as a
retaliatory gesture by an audience that has begun to bridle, if only
intuitively, at the suggestion that "power" resides in the remote
control unit, that "freedom of choice" refers to the ever-greater
options offered around the dial. This techno-voodoo rite constitutes
the symbolic obliteration of a one-way information pipeline that only
transmits, never receives. It is an act of sympathetic magic performed
in the name of all who are obliged to peer at the world through
peepholes owned by multinational conglomerates for whom the profit
margin is the bottom line. "To the eye of the consumer," notes Ben
Bagdikian,
the global media oligopoly is not visible...Newsstands
still display rows of newspapers and magazines, in a
dazzling array of colors and subjects...Throughout the
world, broadcast and cable channels continue to
multiply, as do video cassettes and music recordings.
But...if this bright kaleidoscope suddenly disappeared
and was replaced by the corporate colophons of those
who own this output, the collage would go gray with
the names of the few multinationals that now command
the field.
In his watershed work, The Media Monopoly, Bagdikian reports that
the number of transnational media giants has dropped to 23 and is
rapidly shrinking. Following another vector, Herbert Schiller
considers the interlocked issues of privatized information and limited
access:
The commercialization of information, its private
acquisition and sale, has become a major industry.
While more material than ever before, in formats
created for special use, is available at a price, free
public information supported by general taxation is
attacked by the private sector as an unacceptable form
of subsidy...An individual's ability to know the actual
circumstances of national and international existence
has progressively diminished.
Martin A. Lee and Norman Solomon level another, equally disturbing
charge:
In an era of network news cutbacks and staff layoffs,
many reporters are reluctant to pursue stories they
know will upset management. "People are more careful
now," remarked a former NBC news producer,
"because this whole notion of freedom of the press
becomes a contradiction when the people who own the
media are the same people who need to be reported
on."
Corporate ownership of the newsmedia, the subsumption of an
ever-larger number of publishing companies and television networks
into an ever-smaller number of multinationals, and the increased
privatization of truth by an information-rich, technocratic elite are
not newly-risen issues. More recent is the notion that the public mind
is being colonized by corporate phantasms -- wraithlike images of
power and desire that haunt our dreams. Consider the observations of
Neal Gabler:
Everywhere the fabricated, the inauthentic and the
theatrical have gradually driven out the natural, the
genuine and the spontaneous until there is no distinction
between real life and stagecraft. In fact, one could
argue that the theatricalization of American life is the
major cultural transformation of this century.
And Marshall Blonsky:
We can no longer do anything without wanting to see it
immediately on video...There is never any longer an
event or a person who acts for himself, in himself. The
direction of events and of people is to be reproduced
into image, to be doubled in the image of television.
[T]oday the referent disappears. In circulation are
images. Only images.
The territory demarcated by Gabler and Blonsky, lush with fictions
yet strangely barren, has been mapped in detail by the philosopher
Jean Baudrillard. In his landmark 1975 essay, "The Precession of
Simulacra," Baudrillard put forth the notion that we inhabit a
"hyperreality," a hall of media mirrors in which reality has been lost
in an infinity of reflections. We "experience" events, first and
foremost, as electronic reproductions of rumored phenomena many
times removed, he maintains; originals, invariably compared to their
digitally-enhanced representations, inevitably fall short. In the "desert
of the real," asserts Baudrillard, mirages outnumber oases and are
more alluring to the thirsty eye. Moreover, he argues, signs that once
pointed toward distant realities now refer only to themselves.
Disneyland's Main Street, U.S.A, which depicts the sort of idyllic,
turn-of-the-century burg that exists only in Norman Rockwell
paintings and MGM backlots, is a textbook example of self-referential
simulation, a painstaking replica of something that never was. "These
would be the successive phases of the image," writes Baudrillard,
betraying an almost necrophiliac relish as he contemplates the
decomposition of culturally-defined reality. "[The image] is the
reflection of a basic reality; it masks and perverts a basic reality; it
masks the absence of a basic reality; it bears no relation to any
reality whatever: it is its own pure simulacrum."
Reality isn't what it used to be. In America, factory capitalism has
been superseded by an information economy characterized by the
reduction of labor to the manipulation, on computers, of symbols that
stand in for the manufacturing process. The engines of industrial
production have slowed, yielding to a phantasmagoric capitalism that
produces intangible commodities -- Hollywood blockbusters,
television sit-coms, catchphrases, jingles, buzzwords, images,
one-minute megatrends, financial transactions flickering through
fiberoptic bundles. Our wars are Nintendo wars, fought with
camera-equipped smart bombs that marry cinema and weaponry in a
television that kills. Futurologists predict that the flagship technology
of the coming century will be "virtual reality," a computer-based
system that immerses users wearing headgear wired for sight and
sound in computer-animated worlds. In virtual reality, the television
swallows the viewer, headfirst.
II. Culture Jamming
Meanwhile, the question remains: How to box with shadows? In other
words, what shape does an engaged politics assume in an empire of
signs?
The answer lies, perhaps, in the "semiological guerrilla warfare"
imagined by Umberto Eco. "[T]he receiver of the message seems to
have a residual freedom: the freedom to read it in a different way...I
am proposing an action to urge the audience to control the message
and its multiple possibilities of interpretation," he writes. "[O]ne
medium can be employed to communicate a series of opinions on
another medium...The universe of Technological Communication
would then be patrolled by groups of communications guerrillas, who
would restore a critical dimension to passive reception."
Eco assumes, a priori, the radical politics of visual literacy, an idea
eloquently argued by Stuart Ewen, a critic of consumer culture. "We
live at a time when the image has become the predominant mode of
public address, eclipsing all other forms in the structuring of
meaning," asserts Ewen. "Yet little in our education prepares us to
make sense of the rhetoric, historical development or social
implications of the images within our lives." In a society of heat, light
and electronic poltergeists -- an eerie otherworld of "illimitable
vastness, brilliant light, and the gloss and smoothness of material
things" -- the desperate project of reconstructing meaning, or at least
reclaiming that notion from marketing departments and P.R. firms,
requires visually-literate ghostbusters.
Culture jammers answer to that name. "Jamming" is CB slang for the
illegal practice of interrupting radio broadcasts or conversations
between fellow hams with lip farts, obscenities, and other equally
jejune hijinx. Culture jamming, by contrast, is directed against an
ever more intrusive, instrumental technoculture whose operant mode
is the manufacture of consent through the manipulation of symbols.
The term "cultural jamming" was first used by the collage band
Negativland to describe billboard alteration and other forms of media
sabotage. On Jamcon '84, a mock-serious bandmember observes, "As
awareness of how the media environment we occupy affects and
directs our inner life grows, some resist...The skillfully reworked
billboard...directs the public viewer to a consideration of the original
corporate strategy. The studio for the cultural jammer is the world at
large."
Part artistic terrorists, part vernacular critics, culture jammers, like
Eco's "communications guerrillas," introduce noise into the signal as
it passes from transmitter to receiver, encouraging idiosyncratic,
unintended interpretations. Intruding on the intruders, they invest
ads, newscasts, and other media artifacts with subversive meanings;
simultaneously, they decrypt them, rendering their seductions
impotent. Jammers offer irrefutable evidence that the right has no
copyright on war waged with incantations and simulations. And, like
Ewen's cultural cryptographers, they refuse the role of passive
shoppers, renewing the notion of a public discourse.
Finally, and just as importantly, culture jammers are Groucho
Marxists, ever mindful of the fun to be had in the joyful demolition
of oppressive ideologies. As the inveterate prankster and former
Dead Kennedy singer Jello Biafra once observed, "There's a big
difference between 'simple crime' like holding up a 7-11, and
'creative crime' as a form of expression...Creative crime is...uplifting
to the soul...What better way to survive our anthill society than by
abusing the very mass media that sedates the public?...A prank a day
keeps the dog leash away!"
Jamming is part of a historical continuum that includes Russian
samizdat (underground publishing in defiance of official censorship);
the anti-fascist photomontages of John Heartfield; Situationist
detournement (defined by Greil Marcus, in Lipstick Traces, as "the
theft of aesthetic artifacts from their contexts and their diversion into
contexts of one's own devise"); the underground journalism of '60s
radicals such as Paul Krassner, Jerry Rubin, and Abbie Hoffman;
Yippie street theater such as the celebrated attempt to levitate the
Pentagon; parody religions such as the Dallas-based Church of the
Subgenius; workplace sabotage of the sort documented by Processed
World, a magazine for disaffected data entry drones; the ecopolitical
monkeywrenching of Earth First!; the random acts of Artaudian
cruelty that radical theorist Hakim Bey calls "poetic terrorism"
("weird dancing in all-night computer banking lobbies...bizarre alien
artifacts strewn in State Parks"); the insurgent use of the "cut-up"
collage technique proposed by William Burroughs in "Electronic
Revolution" ("The control of the mass media depends on laying down
lines of association...Cut/up techniques could swamp the mass media
with total illusion"); and subcultural bricolage (the refunctioning, by
societal "outsiders," of symbols associated with the dominant culture,
as in the appropriation of corporate attire and Vogue model poses by
poor, gay, and largely nonwhite drag queens).
An elastic category, culture jamming accommodates a multitude of
subcultural practices. Outlaw computer hacking with the intent of
exposing institutional or corporate wrongdoing is one example;
"slashing," or textual poaching, is another. (The term "slashing"
derives from the pornographic "K/S" -- short for "Kirk/Spock" --
stories written by female Star Trek fans and published in
underground fanzines. Spun from the perceived homoerotic subtext
in Star Trek narratives, K/S, or "slash," tales are often animated by
feminist impulses. I have appropriated the term for general use,
applying it to any form of jamming in which tales told for mass
consumption are perversely reworked.) Transmission jamming;
pirate TV and radio broadcasting; and camcorder countersurveillance
(in which low-cost consumer technologies are used by DIY
muckrakers to document police brutality or governmental
corruption) are potential modus operandi for the culture jammer. So,
too, is media activism such as the cheery immolation of a mound of
television sets in front of CBS's Manhattan offices -- part of a protest
against media bias staged by FAIR (Fairness and Accuracy In
Reporting) during the Gulf War -- and "media-wrenching" such as
ACT UP's disruption of The MacNeil/Lehrer Newshour in protest of
infrequent AIDS coverage. A somewhat more conventional strain of
culture jamming is mediawatch projects such as Paper Tiger
Television, an independent production collective that produces
segments critiquing the information industry; Deep Dish TV, a
grassroots satellite network that distributes free-thinking
programming to public access cable channels nationwide; and Not
Channel Zero, a collective of young African-American "camcorder
activists" whose motto is "The Revolution, Televised." And then there
is academy hacking -- cultural studies, conducted outside university
walls, by insurgent intellectuals.
Thus, culture jamming assumes many guises; let us consider, in
greater detail, some of its more typical manifestations.
Sniping and Subvertising
"Subvertising," the production and dissemination of anti-ads that
deflect Madison Avenue's attempts to turn the consumer's attention in
a given direction, is an ubiquitous form of jamming. Often, it takes
the form of "sniping" -- illegal, late-night sneak attacks on public
space by operatives armed with posters, brushes, and buckets of
wheatpaste.
Adbusters, a Vancouver, B.C.-based quarterly that critiques
consumer culture, enlivens its pages with acid satires. "Absolut
Nonsense," a cunningly-executed spoof featuring a suspiciously
familiar-looking bottle, proclaimed: "Any suggestion that our
advertising campaign has contributed to alcoholism, drunk driving or
wife and child beating is absolute nonsense. No one pays any attention
to advertising." Ewen, himself a covert jammer, excoriates
conspicuous consumption in his "Billboards of the Future" --
anonymously-mailed Xerox broadsides like his ad for "Chutzpah:
cologne for women & men, one splash and you'll be demanding the
equal distribution of wealth." Guerrilla Girls, a cabal of feminist
artists that bills itself as "the conscience of the art world," is known
for savagely funny, on-target posters, one of which depicted a nude
odalisque in a gorilla mask, asking, "Do women have to get naked to
get into the Met. Museum?" Los Angeles's Robbie Conal covers urban
walls with the information age equivalent of Dorian Gray's portrait:
grotesque renderings of Oliver North, Ed Meese, and other
scandal-ridden politicos. "I'm interested in counter-advertising," he
says, "using the streamlined sign language of advertising in a kind of
reverse penetration." For gay activists, subvertising and sniping have
proven formidable weapons. A March, 1991 Village Voice report
from the frontlines of the "outing" wars made mention of "Absolutely
Queer" posters, credited to a phantom organization called OUTPOST,
appearing on Manhattan buildings. One, sparked by the controversy
over the perceived homophobia in Silence of the Lambs, featured a
photo of Jodie Foster, with the caption: "Oscar Winner. Yale
Graduate. Ex-Disney Moppet. Dyke." Queer Nation launched a
"Truth in Advertising" postering campaign that sent up New York
Lotto ads calculated to part the poor and their money; in them, the
official tagline, "All You Need is a Dollar and a Dream" became "All
You Need is a Three-Dollar Bill and a Dream." The graphics
collective Gran Fury, formerly part of ACT UP, has taken its
sharp-tongued message even further: a superslick Benetton parody
ran on buses in San Francisco and New York in 1989. Its headline
blared "Kissing Doesn't Kill: Greed and Indifference Do" over a row
of kissing couples, all of them racially-mixed and two of them gay.
"We are trying to fight for attention as hard as Coca-Cola fights for
attention," says group member Loring Mcalpin. "[I]f anyone is angry
enough and has a Xerox machine and has five or six friends who feel
the same way, you'd be surprised how far you can go."
Media Hoaxing
Media hoaxing, the fine art of hoodwinking journalists into covering
exhaustively researched, elaborately staged deceptions, is culture
jamming in its purest form. Conceptual con artists like Joey Skaggs
dramatize the dangers inherent in a press that seems to have forgotten
the difference between the public good and the bottom line, between
the responsibility to enlighten and the desire to entertain.
Skaggs has been flimflamming journalists since 1966, pointing up the
self-replicating, almost viral nature of news stories in a wired world.
The trick, he confides, "is to get someone from an out-of-state
newspaper to run a story on something sight unseen, and then you
Xerox that story and include it in a second mailing. Journalists see
that it has appeared in print and think, therefore, that there's no need
to do any further research. That's how a snowflake becomes a
snowball and finally an avalanche, which is the scary part. There's a
point at which it becomes very difficult to believe anything the media
tells you."
In 1976, Skaggs created the Cathouse For Dogs, a canine bordello
that offered a "savory selection" of doggie Delilahs, ranging from
pedigree (Fifi, the French poodle) to mutt (Lady the Tramp). The
ASPCA was outraged, the Soho News was incensed, and ABC devoted
a segment to it which later received an Emmy nomination for best
news broadcast of the year. In time, Skaggs reappeared as the leader
of Walk Right!, a combat-booted Guardian Angels-meet-Emily Post
outfit determined to improve sidewalk etiquette, and later as Joe
Bones, head of a Fat Squad whose tough guy enforcers promised, for
a fee, to prevent overweight clients from cheating on diets. As Dr.
Joseph Gregor, Skaggs convinced UPI and New York's WNBC-TV
that hormones extracted from mutant cockroaches could cure
arthritis, acne, and nuclear radiation sickness.
After reeling in the media outlets who have taken his bait, Skaggs
holds a conference at which he reveals his deception. "The hoax," he
insists, "is just the hook. The second phase, in which I reveal the
hoax, is the important part. As Joey Skaggs, I can't call a press
conference to talk about how the media has been turned into a
government propaganda machine, manipulating us into believing
we've got to go to war in the Middle East. But as a jammer, I can go
into these issues in the process of revealing a hoax."
Audio Agitprop
Audio agitprop, much of which utilizes digital samplers to
deconstruct media culture and challenge copyright law, is a somewhat
more innocuous manifestation. Likely suspects include Sucking Chest
Wound, whose God Family Country ponders mobthink and media
bias; The Disposable Heroes of Hiphoprisy, who take aim in
"Television, the Drug of the Nation" at "happy talk" newscasts that
embrace the values of MTV and Entertainment Tonight; Producers
For Bob, whose pert, chittering dance tracks provide an unlikely
backdrop for monologues about "media ecology," a
McLuhan-inspired strategy for survival in a toxic media
environment; and Chris Burke, whose Oil War, with its cut-up press
conferences, presidential speeches, and nightly newsbites, is pirate
C-Span for Noam Chomsky readers. Sucking Chest Wound's Wayne
Morris speaks for all when he says, "I get really angry with the
biased coverage that's passed off as objective journalism. By taking
scraps of the news and blatantly manipulating them, we're having our
revenge on manipulative media."
Billboard Banditry
Lastly, there is billboard banditry, the phenomenon that inspired
Negativland's coinage. Australia's BUGA UP stages hit-and-run
"demotions," or anti-promotions, scrawling graffiti on cigarette or
liquor ads. The group's name is at once an acronym for
"Billboard-Utilizing Graffitists Against Unhealthy Promotions" and a
pun on "bugger up," Aussie slang for "screw up."
In like fashion, African-American activists have decided to resist
cigarette and liquor ads targeting communities of color by any means
necessary. Describing Reverend Calvin Butts and fellow Harlem
residents attacking a Hennesey billboard with paint and rollers, Z
magazine's Michael Kamber reports, "In less than a minute there's
only a large white blotch where moments before the woman had
smiled coyly down at the street." Chicago's Reverend Michael Pfleger
is a comrade-in-arms; he and his Operation Clean defaced -- some
prefer the term "refaced" -- approximately 1,000 cigarette and
alcohol billboards in 1990 alone. "It started with the illegal drug
problem," says Pfleger. "But you soon realize that the number-one
killer isn't crack or heroin, but tobacco. And we realized that to stop
tobacco and alcohol we [had] to go after the advertising problem."
San Francisco's Billboard Liberation Front, together with Truth in
Advertising, a band of "midnight billboard editors" based in Santa
Cruz, snap motorists out of their rush hour trances with
deconstructed, reconstructed billboards. In the wake of the Valdez
disaster, the BLF reinvented a radio promo -- "Hits Happen. New
X-100" -- as "Shit Happens -- New Exxon"; TIA turned "Tropical
Blend. The Savage Tan" into "Typical Blend. Sex in Ads." Inspired
by a newsflash that plans were underway to begin producing neutron
bombs, a Seattle-based trio known as SSS reworked a Kent billboard
proclaiming "Hollywood Bowled Over By Kent III Taste!" to read
"Hollywood Bowled Over By Neutron Bomb!," replacing the
cigarette pack with a portrait of then-President Ronald Reagan.
Artfux and the breakaway group Cicada Corps of Artists are New
Jersey-based agitprop collectives who snipe and stage neo-Situationist
happenings. On one occasion, Artfux members joined painter Ron
English for a tutorial of sorts, in which English instructed the group
in the fine art of billboard banditry. Painting and mounting posters
conceptualized by English, Artfux accompanied the New York artist
on a one-day, all-out attack on Manhattan. One undercover operation
used math symbols to spell out the corporate equation for animal
murder and ecological disaster: A hapless-looking cow plus a
death's-head equalled a McDonald's polystyrene clamshell. "Food,
foam and Fun!," the tagline taunted. In a similar vein, the group
mocked "Smooth Joe," the Camel cigarettes camel, turning his phallic
nose into a flaccid penis and his sagging lips into bobbing testicles.
One altered billboard adjured, "Drink Coca-Cola -- It Makes You
Fart," while another showed a seamed, careworn Uncle Sam opposite
the legend, "Censorship is good because -- -- -- -!"
"Corporations and the government have the money and the means to
sell anything they want, good or bad," noted Artfux member Orlando
Cuevas in a Jersey Journal feature on the group. "We...[are] ringing
the alarm for everyone else."
III. Guerrilla Semiotics
Culture jammers often make use of what might be called "guerrilla"
semiotics -- analytical techniques not unlike those employed by
scholars to decipher the signs and symbols that constitute a culture's
secret language, what literary theorist Roland Barthes called "systems
of signification." These systems, notes Barthes in the introduction to
Elements of Semiology, comprise nonverbal as well as verbal modes
of communication, encompassing "images, gestures, musical sounds,
objects, and the complex associations of all these."
It is no small irony -- or tragedy -- that semiotics, which seeks to
make explicit the implicit meanings in the sign language of society,
has become pop culture shorthand for an academic parlor trick useful
in divining the hidden significance in Casablanca, Disneyland, or our
never-ending obsession with Marilyn Monroe. In paranoid pop psych
such as Wilson Bryan Key's Subliminal Seduction, semiotics offers
titillating decryptions of naughty advertising. "This preoccupation
with subliminal advertising," writes Ewen, "is part of the legendary
life of post-World War II American capitalism: the word 'SEX'
written on the surface of Ritz crackers, copulating bodies or death
images concealed in ice cubes, and so forth." Increasingly, advertising
assumes this popular mythology: a recent print ad depicted a cocktail
glass filled with icecubes, the words "Absolut vodka" faintly
discernible on their craggy, shadowed surfaces. The tagline: "Absolut
Subliminal."
All of which makes semiotics seem trivial, effete, although it is an
inherently political project; Barthes "set out..to examine the normally
hidden set of rules, codes and conventions through which meanings
particular to specific social groups (i.e. those in power) are rendered
universal and 'given' for the whole of society." Marshall Blonsky has
called semiotics "a defense against information sickness, the
'too-muchness' of the world," fulfilling Marshall McLuhan's
prophecy that "just as we now try to control atom-bomb fallout, so
we will one day try to control media fallout." As used by culture
jammers, it is an essential tool in the all-important undertaking of
making sense of the world, its networks of power, the encoded
messages that flicker ceaselessly along its communication channels.
This is not to say that all of the jammers mentioned in this essay
knowingly derive their ideas from semiotics or are even familiar with
it, only that their ad hoc approach to cultural analysis has much in
common with the semiotician's attempt to "read between the lines" of
culture considered as a text. Most jammers have little interest in the
deliria that result from long immersion in the academic vacuum,
breathing pure theory. They intuitively refuse the rejection of
engaged politics typical of postmodernists like Baudrillard, a
disempowering stance that too often results in an overeagerness for
ringside seats at the gotterdammerung. The L.A. Weekly's disquieting
observation that Baudrillard "loves to observe the liquidation of
culture, to experience the delivery from depth" calls to mind Walter
Benjamin's pronouncement that mankind's "self-alienation has
reached such a degree that it can experience its own destruction as an
aesthetic pleasure of the first order." Jammers, in contrast, are
attempting to reclaim the public space ceded to the chimeras of
Hollywood and Madison Avenue, to restore a sense of equilibrium to
a society sickened by the vertiginous whirl of TV culture.
IV. Postscript From the Edge
The territory mapped by this essay ends at the edge of the electronic
frontier, the "world space of multinational capital" (Fredric Jameson)
where vast sums are blipped from one computer to another through
phone lines twined around the globe. Many of us already spend our
workdays in an incunabular form of cyberpunk writer William
Gibson's "cyberspace," defined in his novel Neuromancer as "a
consensual hallucination experienced daily by billions of legitimate
operators...A graphic representation of data abstracted from the
banks of every computer in the human system." The experience of
computer scientist W. Daniel Hillis, once novel, is becoming
increasingly familiar:
When I first met my wife, she was immersed in trading
options. Her office was in the top of a skyscraper in
Boston, and yet, in a very real sense, when she was at
work she was in a world that could not be identified
with any single physical location. Sitting at a computer
screen, she lived in a world that consisted of offers and
trades, a world in which she knew friends and enemies,
safe and stormy weather. For a large portion of each
day, that world was more real to her than her physical
surroundings.
In the next century, growing numbers of Americans will work and
play in artificial environments that only exist, in the truest sense, as
bytes stored in computer memory. The explosion of computer-based
interactive media seems destined to sweep away (at least in its
familiar form) the decidedly non-interactive medium that has
dominated the latter half of this century: television. Much of this
media may one day be connected to a high-capacity, high-speed fiber
optic network of "information superhighways" linking as many
homes as are currently serviced by the telephone network. This
network, predicts computer journalist John Markoff, "could do for
the flow of information -- words, music, movies, medical images,
manufacturing blueprints and much more -- what the transcontinental
railroad did for the flow of goods a century ago and the interstate
highway system did in this century."
The culture jammer's question, as always, is: Who will have access to
this cornucopia of information, and on what terms? Will fiber-optic
superhighways make stored knowledge universally available, in the
tradition of the public library, or will they merely facilitate
psychological carpet bombing designed to soften up consumer
defenses? And what of the network news? Will it be superseded by
local broadcasts, with their heartwarming (always "heartwarming")
tales of rescued puppies and shocking (always "shocking") stories of
senseless mayhem, mortared together with airhead banter? Or will
the Big Three give way to innumerable news channels, each a conduit
for information about global, national and local events germane to a
specific demographic? Will cyberpunk telejournalists equipped with
Hi-8 video cameras, digital scanners, and PC-based editing facilities
hack their way into legitimate broadcasts? Or will they, in a medium
of almost infinite bandwidth and channels beyond count, simply be
given their own airtime? In short, will the electronic frontier be
wormholed with "temporary autonomous zones" -- Hakim Bey's term
for pirate utopias, centrifuges in which social gravity is artificially
suspended -- or will it be subdivided and overdeveloped by what
cultural critic Andrew Ross calls "the military-industrial-media
complex?" Gibson, who believes that we are "moving toward a world
where all of the consumers under a certain age will...identify
more...with the products they consume than...with any sort of
antiquated notion of nationality," is not sanguine. In the video
documentary Cyberpunk, he conjures a minatory vision of what will
happen when virtual reality is married to a device that stimulates the
brain directly. "It's going to be very commercial," he says. "We
could wind up with something that felt like having a very, very
expensive American television commercial injected directly into your
cortex."
"For Sale" signs already litter the unreal estate of cyberspace. A New
York Times article titled "A Rush to Stake Claims on the Multimedia
Frontier" prophesies "software and hardware that will connect
consumers seamlessly to services...[allowing them] to shop from
home," while a Newsweek cover story on interactive media promises
"new technology that will change the way you shop, play and learn"
(the order, here, speaks volumes about American priorities). Video
retailers are betting that the intersection of interactive media and
home shopping will result in zillions of dollars' worth of impulse
buys: zirconium rings, nonstick frying pans, costumed dolls, spray-on
toupees. What a New York Times author cutely calls Communicopia
("the convergence of virtually all communications technologies") may
end up looking like the Home Shopping Network on steroids.
But hope springs eternal, even in cyberspace. Jammers are heartened
by the electronic frontier's promise of a new media paradigm --
interactive rather than passive, nomadic and atomized rather than
resident and centralized, egalitarian rather than elitist. To date, this
paradigm has assumed two forms: the virtual community and the
desktop-published or on-line 'zine. ("'Zine," the preferred term
among underground publishers, has subtly political connotations:
grassroots organization, a shoestring budget, an anti-aesthetic of
exuberant sloppiness, a lively give-and-take between transmitters and
receivers, and, more often than not, a mocking, oppositional stance
vis a vis mainstream media.) Virtual communities are comprised of
computer users connected by modem to the bulletin board systems
(BBS's) springing up all over the Internet, the worldwide
meta-network that connects international computer networks. Funded
not by advertisers but by paid subscribers, the BBS is a first, faltering
step toward the jammer's dream of a truly democratic mass medium.
Although virtual communities fall short of utopia -- women and
people of color are grossly underrepresented, and those who cannot
afford the price of admission or who are alienated from technology
because of their cultural status are denied access -- they nonetheless
represent a profound improvement on the homogenous, hegemonic
medium of television.
On a BBS, any subscriber may initiate a discussion topic, no matter
how arcane, in which other subscribers may participate. If the
bulletin board in question is plugged into the Internet, their comments
will be read and responded to by computer users scattered across the
Internet. On-line forums retire, at long last, the Sunday morning
punditocracy, the expert elite, the celebrity anchorclones of network
news, even the electronic town hall, with its carefully-screened
audience and over-rehearsed politicians. As one resident of a San
Francisco-based bulletin board called the WELL noted,
This medium gives us the possibility (illusory as it may
be) that we can build a world unmediated by authorities
and experts. The roles of reader, writer, and critic are
so quickly interchangeable that they become
increasingly irrelevant in a community of co-creation.
In like fashion, ever-cheaper, increasingly sophisticated desktop
publishing packages (such as the software and hardware used to
produce this pamphlet) ensure that, in a society where freedom of the
press -- as A.J. Leibling so presciently noted -- is guaranteed only to
those who own one, multinational monoliths are not the only
publishers. As Gareth Branwyn, a one-time 'zine publisher and
longtime resident of virtual communities, points out,
The current saturation of relatively inexpensive
multimedia communication tools holds tremendous
potential for destroying the monopoly of ideas we have
lived with for so long...A personal computer can be
configured to act as a publishing house, a
broadcast-quality TV studio, a professional recording
studio, or the node in an international computer bulletin
board system.
Increasingly, 'zines are being published on-line, to be bounced around
the world via the Internet. "I can see a future in which any person can
have a node on the net," says Mitch Kapor, president of the
Electronic Frontier Foundation, a group concerned with free speech,
privacy, and other constitutional issues in cyberspace. "Any person
can be a publisher. It's better than the media we now have."
Devil's advocates might well argue that Festering Brain Sore, a
fanzine for mass murderer aficionados, or the WELL topic devoted
to "armpit sex" are hardly going to crash the corporate media system.
Hakim Bey writes, "The story of computer networks, BBS's and
various other experiments in electro-democracy has so far been one
of hobbyism for the most part. Many anarchists and libertarians have
deep faith in the PC as a weapon of liberation and self-liberation --
but no real gains to show, no palpable liberty."
Then again, involvement in virtual communities and the 'zine scene is
rapidly expanding beyond mere hobbyism: as this is written,
approximately 10 million people frequent BBS's, and an estimated
10,000 'zines are being published (70 alone are given over to left
politics of a more or less radical nature). These burgeoning
subcultures are driven not by the desire for commodities but by the
dream of community -- precisely the sort of community now sought
in the nationally-shared experience of watching game shows, sitcoms,
sportscasts, talk shows, and, less and less, the evening news. It is this
yearning for meaning and cohesion that lies at the heart of the
jammer's attempts to reassemble the fragments of our world into
something more profound than the luxury cars, sexy technology, and
overdesigned bodies that flit across our screens. Hackers who expose
governmental wrongdoing, textual slashers, wheatpaste snipers,
billboard bandits, media hoaxers, subvertisers, and unannounced
political protestors who disrupt live newscasts remind us that
numberless stories go untold in the daily papers and the evening
news, that what is not reported speaks louder than what is. The
jammer insists on choice: not the dizzying proliferation of consumer
options, in which a polyphony of brand names conceals the essential
monophony of the advertiser's song, but a true plurality, in which the
univocal world view promulgated by corporate media yields to a
multivocal, polyvalent one.
The electronic frontier is an ever-expanding corner of Eco's
"universe of Technological Communication...patrolled by groups of
communications guerrillas" bent on restoring "a critical dimension to
passive reception." These guerrilla semioticians are in pursuit of new
myths stitched together from the fabric of their own lives, a
patchwork of experiences and aspirations that has little to do with the
depressive stories of an apolitical intelligentsia or the repressive
fictions of corporate media's Magic Kingdom. "The images that
bombard and oppose us must be reorganized," insist Stuart and
Elizabeth Ewen. "If our critique of commodity culture points to
better alternatives, let us explore -- in our own billboards of the
future -- what they might be." Even now, hackers, slashers, and
snipers -- culture jammers all -- are rising to that challenge.
Acknowledgements
I am indebted to Bill Mullen, a professor at Youngstown University
and friend of many years whose close reading and tough-minded
critique of this essay improved it immeasurably, and to Margot
Mifflin, whose slashing red pen saved me, at the last minute, from my
worst excesses.
* * *
Points of Departure
Craig Baldwin, Sonic Outlaws (c/o Artists Television Access,
415-824-3890, or by mail from 992 Valencia Street, San Francisco,
CA 94110, VHS, 87 minutes, $30, make check payable to Craig
Baldwin). Baldwin, an independent filmmaker, is an appropriationist
auteur par excellence, equal parts Eisenstein and dumpster-diver. His
documentary Sonic Outlaws uses the legal and media brouhaha stirred
up by Negativland's illegal sampling (and howlingly funny parody) of
a U-2 song as a springboard for deeper thoughts on copyright in the
age of digital reproduction and private ownership of the public
airwaves. Audio Dadaists and unrepentant plagiarists Emergency
Broadcast Network, the Tape Beatles, and John Oswald are also
featured.
"Billboard Liberation Front Manual," Processed World #25,
Summer/Fall 1990, pps. 22-6. This and other back issues may be
ordered from 41 Sutter Street, #1829, San Francisco, CA 94104.
The BLF has also published The Art and Science of Billboard
Improvement (San Francisco: Los Cabrones Press, $1.50). No more
information is available as this is written; writing to Processed
World, which acts as an intermediary for the BLF, might prove
fruitful.
William Board, "Alter a Billboard," CoEvolution Quarterly, Summer
1983, pps. 114-116. Do's and don't's for would-be "midnight
billboard editors," written by a pseudonymous member of Truth in
Advertising. $7, Whole Earth Review, 27 Gate Five Road, Sausalito,
CA 94965.
Gareth Branwyn, "Jamming the Media," in Black Hole, ed. by
Carolyn Hughes, (Baltimore: Institute for Publications Design, Yale
Gordon College of Liberal Arts, University of Baltimore, 1992).
This essay, as well as the companion pieces in this underground
omnibus, explore the interstice between cyberpunk and culture
jamming. Branywn's later book, Jamming the Media: A Citizen's
Guide to Reclaiming the Tools of Communication (Chronicle Books),
is an exhaustively researched, high-spirited romp through the DIY
underground, stuffed to bursting with detailed how-to information on
desktop publishing, media pranking, pirate radio, and "multimedia
for the masses." The refrain to the Ramones song, "We want the
airwaves," reverberates through these pages. E-mail Gareth at
gareth@well.com.
Robbie Conal, Art Attack: The Midnight Politics of a Guerrilla Artist
(New York: Harper Perennial, 1992). At last: the ideal gift for
insurrectionists -- a coffee table art book about a wheatpaste warrior.
Critical Art Ensemble, The Electronic Disturbance and Electronic
Civil Disobedience (both available from Autonomedia, POB 568
Williamsburgh Station, Brooklyn, NY 11211-0568, phone/fax
718-963-2603). Critical Art Ensemble is a collective of media
hackers and postmodern theorists. In my back cover blurb to
Electronic Civil Disobedience, I write, "An Anarchist's Cookbook for
an age of decentralized, dematerialized power, ECD shares cultural
DNA with William Burroughs's 'Electronic Revolution,' Guy
Debord's Society of the Spectacle, Hakim Bey's Temporary
Autonomous Zone, and other classics of 'nomadic resistance.' CAE is
a flesh-eating virus on the body politic."
Ecodefense: A Field Guide to Monkeywrenching, Dave Foreman and
Bill Haywood, eds. (Tucson: Ned Ludd Books, 1987). Chapter 8,
"Propaganda," includes sections on "Billboard Revision" and
"Correcting Forest Service Signs." The jury is still out on Earth
First!, which often crosses the line from righteous ecopolitical rage to
neo-Luddite knee-jerking (hence the name of the publishing
company). That said, the authors' folksy pragmatism,
anarcho-libertarian humor, and iron-spined resolve in the face of
bulldozers and chainsaws is truly inspiring.
The Happy Mutant Handbook: Mischievous Fun for Higher Primates,
ed. Mark Frauenfelder, Carla Sinclair, Gareth Branwyn, Will Kreth
(Riverhead Books). Includes brief profiles of Chris Baldwin, Joey
Skaggs, the Cacophony Society, and the Billboard Liberation Front,
as well as articles on hacking, DIY radio and TV, shirking work, and
hit-and-run ontology-wrenching (pranks).
Abbie Hoffman, The Best of Abbie Hoffman (New York: Four Walls
Eight Windows, 1989). Chapter 43, "Guerrilla Broadcasting,"
includes nuts-and-bolts "how to" sections on pirate radio and outlaw
TV.
Loompanics Unlimited, a distributor of fringe publications, is an
invaluable source for titles on hacking; psychological warfare; Zeke
Teflon's Complete Manual of Pirate Radio; Muzzled Media: How to
Get the News You've Been Missing! by Gerry L. Dexter; and more.
Loompanics' 1988 catalogue includes Erwin R. Strauss's "Pirate
Broadcasting," a historical and philosophical inquiry into the titular
phenomenon. Write P.O. Box 1197, Port Townsend, WA 98368 for a
catalogue.
Roar! The Paper Tiger Television Guide to Media Activism, The
Paper Tiger Television Collective, eds. (New York: The Paper Tiger
Television Collective, 1991). This thoroughgoing, irreplaceable guide
to culture jamming proves, to mutilate Mao, that power springs from
the barrel of a camcorder. An essay by Schiller, together with a
lengthy "how to" section, make this a must. Write to 339 Lafayette
Street, New York, NY 10012.
Sabotage in the American Workplace: Anecdotes of Dissatisfaction,
Mischief, and Revenge, ed. Martin sprouse (Pressure Drop Press and
AK Press). Studs Terkel's Working for the deskilled, downsized, or
just plain disaffected.
Test Card F: Television, Mythinformation, and Social Control (AK
Press, POB 40682, San Francisco, CA 94140-0682). A spleen-filled
rant on "the media machine" as engine of social control, lashed
together with punk and neo-Situationist collages. The back cover
declares, "Using savage image/text cut-and-paste, Test Card F
explodes all previous media theories and riots through the Global
Village, looting the ideological supermarket of all its products " A
Molotov cocktail for the mind.
* * *
Endnotes
1. This essay originally appeared in 1993, as Pamphlet #25 in the
Open Magazine Pamphlet Series.
2. Roger Cohen, "The Lost Book Generation," The New York Times,
"Education Life" supplement, January 6, 1991, pg. 34.
3. Bill McKibben, The Age of Missing Information (New York:
Random House, 1992), p. 18.
4. Ibid., p. 9.
5. Mark Hertsgaard, On Bended Knee: The Press and the Reagan
Presidency (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1988), p. 5.
6. From a transcript of "Illusions of News," the third episode in the
PBS series, The Public Mind with Bill Moyers, p. 5.
7. Alex S. Jones, "Poll Backs Control of News," The New York
Times, C24, January 31, 1991.
8. Neal Gabler, "Now Playing: Real Life, the Movie," The New York
Times, Sunday, October 20, 1991, Section 2, pg. 32.
9. Mark Crispin Miller, "Deride and Conquer," in Watching
Television, ed. by Todd Gitlin (New York: Pantheon, 1987), p. 228.
10. Ben Bagdikian, "Lords of the Global Village," The Nation, June
12, 1989, p. 819.
1. Herbert Schiller, The Nation, July 4-11, 1987, p. 6.
2. Martin A. Lee and Norman Solomon, "Anti-Hero: What Happens
When Network News is Owned and Sponsored By Big Corporations
That Need To Protect Their Own Interests?," Spin, volume six,
number four, July, 1990, p. 75.
3. Gabler, ibid.
4. Marshall Blonsky, American Mythologies (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1992), p. 231.
5. Jean Baudrillard, "The Precession of Simulacra," in Simulations
(New York: Semiotext(e), 1983), p. 11.
6. Umberto Eco, "Towards a Semiological Guerrilla Warfare," in
Travels in Hyperreality (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich:
1986), pps. 138, 143, 144.
7. Stuart Ewen, "Living by Design," in Art in America, June, 1990,
p. 76.
8. A line lifted, out of context, from Marguerite Sechehaye's
Autobiography of a Schizophrenic Girl (New York: Grune &
Stratton, 1968), p. 19.
9. Jello Biafra, interviewed in Pranks!: Re/Search #11 (San
Francisco: Re/Search Publications, 1987), p. 64.
20. Quoted by Karrie Jacobs, in Metropolis, July/August 1990, and
reprinted in the Utne Reader, March/April 1991, p. 91-2.
2. God Family Country is available from DOVentertainment, 2 Bloor
Street West, Suite 100-159, Toronto, Canada M4W 3E2, as is Bob's
Media Ecology, by Producers For Bob; Hypocrisy is the Greatest
Luxury, by the Disposable Heroes of Hiphoprisy, was released by 4th
& Bdwy/Island, and should be stocked by most major record
retailers; the cassette-only Oil War, by Chris Burke, can be purchased
directly from the artist ($5.95 check or money order to Chris Burke,
111 3rd Avenue, #12-E, New York, NY 10003).
22. Harry Goldstein, "Billboard Liberation: Talking Back to
Marketers By Taking Outdoor Advertising Into Your Own Hands," in
the Utne Reader, November/December 1991, pps. 46-48.
23. David Ferman, "Pastor Leads War on Billboards," in Adbusters,
Fall/Winter 1991, p. 41-2.
24. Stuart Ewen, "Desublimated Advertising," Artforum, January,
1991, p. 26.
25. Dick Hebdige, Subculture: The Meaning of Style (London:
Routledge, 1988), p. 9.
26. Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man
(New York: Signet, 1964), p. 267.
27. Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los
Angeles (New York: Verso, 1990), p. 54.
28. William Gibson, Neuromancer (New York: Ace, 1984), p. 51.
29. W. Daniel Hillis, "What is Massively Parallel Computing?," in
Daedalus, Winter 1992, p. 13.
30. John Markoff, "Building the Electronic Superhighway," The New
York Times, January 24, 1993, Section 3, p. 1.
3. William Gibson, in Cyberpunk (VHS, 60 minutes, available from
ATA/Cyberpunk, P.O. Box 12, Massapequa Park, NY 11762).
32. Loc. cit.
33. William Rolf Knutson, a computer programmer, fiction writer,
and occasional Mondo 2000 contributor, in a private e-mail letter to
the author, March 25, 1993.
34. Gareth Branwyn, "Jamming the Media," in Black Hole, ed. by
Carolyn Hughes, (Baltimore: Institute for Publications Design, Yale
Gordon College of Liberal Arts, University of Baltimore, 1992), pps.
1-2.
35. Mitch Kapor, quoted by Bruce Sterling, in The Hacker
Crackdown: Law and Disorder on the Electronic Frontier (New
York: Bantam, 1992), p. 298.
36. Hakim Bey, T.A.Z. (New York: Autonomedia, 1991), p. 113.
37. Stuart and Elizabeth Ewen, Channels of Desire: Mass Images and
the Shaping of American Consciousness (New York: McGraw-Hill,
1976), p. 282. This passage appears only in the original, unrevised
edition of the book.
Mark Dery [markdery@mindspring.com] is a cultural critic. He
edited Flame Wars: The Discourse of Cyberculture (Duke University
Press, 1995) and wrote Escape Velocity: Cyberculture at the End of
the Century (Grove Press, 1996). His collection of essays, The
Pyrotechnic Insanitarium: American Culture on the Brink was
published by Grove Press in February, 1999. He is an occasional
writer for The New York Times Magazine, Rolling Stone, The
Village Voice Literary Supplement, Suck, and Feed, and a frequent
lecturer in the U.S. and Europe on new media, fringe thought, and
unpopular culture.